Disability is often treated as a stigmatised identity in society. Sociologists like Erving Goffman, Colin Barnes, and Tom Shakespeare have extensively researched how disability is perceived and the impact of these perceptions on individuals.

Erving Goffman’s work on stigma provides a foundational framework for understanding disability as a stigmatised identity. Goffman defines stigma as an attribute that is deeply discrediting, reducing the bearer “from a whole and usual person to a tainted, discounted one” (Goffman, 1963, p. 3). Individuals with stigmatised characteristics deviate from societal norms, which leads to their devaluation and social marginalisation. He categorises stigma into three types: physical abnormalities, which include disabilities such as physical deformities, mobility impairments, and chronic illnesses; character blemishes, such as mental disorders or addiction that are perceived as moral failings; and tribal stigmas, which are associated with race, nationality, or religion.

Goffman argues that stigma leads to a spoiled identity, where the individual is discredited in social interactions, affecting both their self-concept and how others perceive them. This often results in feelings of shame, inferiority, and social exclusion. The visibility of a disability influences how stigma is experienced: visible disabilities tend to provoke immediate stigmatisation, whereas hidden or less obvious disabilities allow individuals more control over whether and how their stigmatised status is disclosed. To navigate these challenges, individuals employ strategies to manage stigma, including passing (concealing the disability), covering (downplaying its significance), or engaging in corrective measures to mitigate negative social judgements.

Building on Goffman’s ideas, subsequent research has explored how disability is socially constructed and experienced. Fine and Asch (1988) highlight how individuals with disabilities engage in “identity work” to manage social interactions and preserve self-esteem in the face of stigma. Conrad (1992) demonstrates that the medicalisation of disability, which frames impairments as pathological conditions requiring treatment, reinforces stigma by presenting disability as a personal deficit. In contrast, the social model of disability, advocated by scholars such as Oliver (1990) and Barnes (1992), emphasises societal barriers—such as inaccessible environments and discriminatory attitudes—as the primary sources of disablement and stigmatisation, shifting attention from individual impairments to the external factors that perpetuate exclusion.

Other research has explored how disability intersects with additional social identities. Garland-Thomson (2005) applies intersectionality theory, showing that individuals who belong to multiple marginalised groups (e.g., disabled women or disabled ethnic minorities) face compounded discrimination and unique challenges. Wolfensberger (1972) introduces the concept of normalisation, advocating for the full inclusion of disabled people in mainstream society to reduce stigma and counter segregation. Media representations are also significant: Barnes (1992) argues that stereotypical portrayals reinforce stigma, whereas positive and realistic depictions can foster understanding, empathy, and social acceptance.

Finally, Tom Shakespeare expands the discussion of disability as an identity, emphasising that disability is not solely a medical condition but also a socially and culturally constructed experience. He highlights the role of personal narratives and storytelling in challenging stereotypes, allowing disabled individuals to assert agency over their identities. Shakespeare also promotes disability pride, encouraging people to embrace their disability as a meaningful part of who they are, rather than something to be ashamed of.

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