What is Ethnographic Research?
Ethnography is a qualitative research method used by sociologists to study people in their natural settings. The aim is to understand behaviour, values, and culture from the perspective of those being studied. To achieve this, the researcher typically immerses themselves in a group for an extended period of time. This process might involve participant observation, where the researcher both observes and takes part in activities, alongside informal conversations and interviews to capture the voices of participants. Ethnographers also take detailed field notes to record events, attitudes, and interactions in everyday life, building a holistic picture of the group under study.
This long-term immersion means ethnography is particularly effective for investigating youth subcultures. Young people often construct identities and forms of resistance that may be hidden from outsiders. Ethnography allows researchers to gain insight into these cultures on their own terms. For instance, ethnographers can reveal how styles of dress, humour, or music are used by young people as tools of expression and opposition to mainstream authority. Unlike surveys or quantitative methods, which provide broad but shallow data, ethnography enables researchers to dig deeply into the meanings behind actions and practices.
Examples of Ethnographic Studies on Youth Subcultures
One of the most famous ethnographies is Paul Willis’ Learning to Labour (1977). Willis studied a small group of 12 working-class “lads” in a Midlands secondary school. His research revealed their anti-school attitudes, which he interpreted as a form of resistance to authority. However, this resistance was paradoxical: while the lads mocked academic success and embraced manual labour as a badge of honour, this very culture ensured they reproduced their working-class position in society.
Another influential ethnography was carried out by Phil Cohen (1972), who investigated East London youth. Cohen argued that subcultural styles—such as clothing, music, and leisure practices—functioned as symbolic resistance to the loss of working-class community caused by urban redevelopment and economic change.
Later, Sarah Thornton’s Club Cultures (1995) focused on rave and dance music scenes. Her ethnography introduced the concept of “subcultural capital,” a way of understanding how young people gain status within subcultures through knowledge, taste, and style. This reflected a shift in focus from class resistance to cultural consumption.
Although conducted in the US, Howard Becker’s Outsiders (1963) also influenced British subcultural studies. His ethnographic work on marijuana users and jazz musicians demonstrated how deviant groups develop their own norms and values, challenging mainstream definitions of normality and deviance.
Strengths of Ethnography in Studying Youth Subcultures
A major strength of ethnography is that it produces rich, detailed data. Because the researcher spends time with participants, they are able to capture meanings that might be invisible to outsiders. For example, Willis was able to show how the lads’ rejection of school was not just laziness but a meaningful rejection of middle-class values, rooted in their own experiences of class culture.
Ethnography also excels at capturing insider meanings. By joining in and building trust, ethnographers can access the humour, rituals, and codes of behaviour that define subcultures. In Learning to Labour, Willis recorded the lads’ banter, jokes, and forms of solidarity, which gave an authentic picture of their everyday school life.
Another strength is that ethnography can connect micro and macro perspectives. By focusing on small-scale experiences, the method reveals how these connect to wider structures of power. Willis’ study, for example, demonstrated how the lads’ localised rejection of school authority was linked to the broader reproduction of class inequality in Britain.
Finally, ethnography has a degree of flexibility. Because the method is open-ended, researchers can adapt their approach as new insights emerge. This is especially valuable for studying youth cultures, which are often fast-changing and unpredictable.
Limitations of Ethnography in Studying Youth Subcultures
Despite its strengths, ethnography also has several limitations. It is time-consuming and demanding, often requiring months or years of close involvement with participants. This makes it difficult to repeat and can limit the scale of studies.
A second limitation is subjectivity and bias. The researcher’s own perspective shapes what they see and how they interpret it. Critics argue that Willis sympathised too much with the lads, romanticising their “resistance” and underestimating the ways their culture reproduced inequality.
Ethnographies also usually involve small, unrepresentative samples. Willis studied only 12 boys in one Midlands school, meaning the findings cannot be generalised to all working-class youth or even to all boys in that school.
There are also important ethical issues. Young people may not fully understand how their behaviour and words will be interpreted or published. Observing without full informed consent can raise concerns about privacy, and participants might feel misrepresented by the researcher’s conclusions.
Below is an activity for students to identify some of the potential issues with a piece of research – Paul Willis’s Learning to Labour. You can download this lesson resource free from the link below.
Strengths and Weaknesses of Willis’ Learning to Labour
Willis’ study is often celebrated as a groundbreaking ethnography. It was one of the first to give serious attention to the culture of working-class youth in schools. His findings revealed that anti-school subcultures were not simply deviant but were rooted in class culture and identity. By connecting the lads’ everyday lives with the wider structures of class inequality, Willis provided a powerful explanation of how education contributes to social reproduction. His study has inspired decades of research on education, resistance, and youth subcultures.
However, Learning to Labour also has weaknesses. One of the main criticisms is that it focused exclusively on boys. Feminist researchers such as Angela McRobbie and Jenny Garber pointed out that girls were ignored, and their experiences of school and culture were very different. This gender bias means Willis’ findings provide only a partial picture of working-class youth.
Another criticism is that Willis may have romanticised resistance. While he presented the lads’ culture as witty and oppositional, their rejection of school ultimately limited their opportunities and reproduced inequality. By focusing on the creativity of resistance, he may have underplayed its damaging consequences.
The sample size also limits the validity of the research. Studying 12 boys in one school cannot provide a representative account of working-class youth across Britain. Furthermore, questions have been raised about ethics and representation. Did the lads fully understand how their words and attitudes would be published? Was it fair for Willis to present them in ways that may have reinforced stereotypes of working-class masculinity?
Conclusion
Ethnography remains one of the most powerful methods for studying youth subcultures. It enables researchers to get beneath the surface of everyday behaviour and uncover the meanings young people attach to style, humour, resistance, and identity. Studies such as Willis’ Learning to Labour show how ethnography can reveal the deep connections between culture and social structure. However, the method is not without its limitations. Small, unrepresentative samples, researcher bias, and ethical dilemmas mean findings must be treated with caution. For sociology students, Willis’ work remains a valuable case study—not only for what it reveals about youth culture and education but also as a way of reflecting on the strengths and weaknesses of ethnographic research as a whole.
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